A few more curiosities regarding early Christian rites:
Socrates of Constantinople, writing just before the mid-5th c., writes in his Church History (ch. 22)
"The Egyptians in the neighborhood of Alexandria, and the inhabitants of Thebaïs, hold their religious assemblies on the sabbath, but do not participate of the mysteries in the manner usual among Christians in general: for after having eaten and satisfied themselves with food of all kinds, in the evening making their offerings they partake of the mysteries. At Alexandria again, on the Wednesday in Passion week and on Good Friday, the scriptures are read, and the doctors expound them; and all the usual services are performed in their assemblies, except the celebration of the mysteries. This practice in Alexandria is of great antiquity, for it appears that Origen most commonly taught in the church on those days. He being a very learned teacher in the Sacred Books, and perceiving that the `impotence of the law' of Moses was weakened by literal explanation, gave it a spiritual interpretation; declaring that there has never been but one true Passover, which the Saviour celebrated when he hung upon the cross: for that he then vanquished the adverse powers, and erected this as a trophy against the devil. In the same city of Alexandria, readers and chanters are chosen indifferently from the catechumens and the faithful; whereas in all other churches the faithful only are promoted to these offices."
Here:
1) The Alexandrians celebrate their mysteries in the evening
2) During Lent, the scriptures were given a "spiritual interpretation" (dating at least back to Origen in the early 3rd c., a tradition still extant more than two centuries later)
3) Readers (a minor order, like subdeacons) are chosen from both catechumens and faithful
We also have Logion 37 of GThomas, discussed at length in Johnathan Z. Smith's 1966 article "The Garments of Shame":
His disciples said: "When will you appear to us, and when will we see you?"
Jesus said: "When you undress without being ashamed and take your clothes
(and) put them under your feet like little children (and) trample on them,
then [you] will see the son of the Living One, and you will not be afraid."
Peter Jeffery even mentions this in his book (p. 114), but only to glibly dismiss it as no evidence that a sindon was used in early 2nd c. baptismal ceremony. Perhaps it is no evidence of a sindon, but it is certainly not counter-evidence either! Surely it is evidence of a disrobing ceremony (whether symbolic or literal) in at least some early Christian baptismal rituals. It is amazing that Jeffery cannot acknolwedge this. Furthermore, Jeffery himself brings attention to the fact that there is actually evidence of sindon use in early Christian baptism, in the Acts of Thomas! Jeffery wants to link this to Syrian practices for women alone (unfortunately I haven't found a copy of his reference for this yet), but it's at least a historical example of sindon use which Jeffery tries so hard to dismiss. Jeffrey provides ample evidence that the post-baptismal garment was not a sindon. But that is not necessarily what Secret Mark indicates: the sindon seems to be the garment of an initiate. I'm not sure if this initiate is really a pre-baptismal initiate, or if the sindon somehow represents the sinful state of the initiate prior to any church rite. But see my notes to the passage from Socrates of Constantinople above: minor orders, like reader and subdeacon (which Secret Mark may allude to) were sometimes chosen from catechumens. (And, as we shall see below, we shouldn't assume Secret Mark was read only for the parallels with the rich man; it may also have been read for parallels with Jesus as the minister of the rite.)
There are also the following passages in F. E. Brightman's 1899 article "The Sacramentary of Serapion of Thmuis" (Journal of Theological Studies)
"The preparation of the catechumen is covered by nos. 8, 9, 15, 10. It is clear from the terms of the question and response mentioned in the last paragraph (eziwn, proeiselqwn), that this part of the rite did not take place in the baptistery itself, but in the vestibule (cp. Cyr. Hier. Cat. myst. i 2)."
"The renunciation (apotagh), alluded to in the title of [prayer] no. 9, follows [in Serapion's rite]. It was the function of the deacons 'to prepare the catechumens to make the renunciation' (paraskeuazein tous kathcoumenous apotaxasqai [Tim. Al.] Resp. 10), where the allusion is clearly to the undressing and the adjustment of the catechumens' attitudes, facing to the west and outstretching the right hand (Assemani i 157; Denzinger i 19, 223: cp. Cyr. Hier. Cat. myst. i 4)." (249)
"The catechumens have now passed into the baptistry (to agion baptishrion St. Ath. Encycl. 2) and they are there presented (apididonai) and their names proclaimed by the deacon, or in his absence by a subdeacon or a reader ([Tim. Al.] Resp. 11)." (252)
Here:
1) Alexandrian 4th c. catechumens were prepared in semi-secluded room, i.e. the vestibule
2) preparation for baptism involved an undressing (at least symbolic?)
3) the subdeacon and/or reader, in some cases, assume the deacon's role
While we're at it, here's Origen, Contra Celsus, iii. 51:
"The Christians, however, having previously, so far as possible, tested the souls of those who wish to become their hearers, and having previously instructed them in private, when they appear (before entering the community) to have sufficiently evinced their desire towards a virtuous life, introduce them then, and not before, privately forming one class of those who are beginners, and are receiving admission, but who have not yet obtained the mark of complete purification; and another of those who have manifested to the best of their ability their intention to desire no other things than are approved by Christians; and among these there are certain persons appointed to make inquiries regarding the lives and behaviour of those who join them, in order that they may prevent those who commit acts of infamy from coming into their public assembly, while those of a different character they receive with their whole heart, in order that they may daily make them better."
So,
1) The early-mid 3rd c. Christians instruct initiates in private
2) They then divide initiates into two groups, also private:
a) beginners, those who are not purified
b) those who manifest ideal desires (and would receive "the mark of complete purification")
3) They exclude those with bad character, but receive others, "in order that they may daily make them better", i.e. more perfect.
Peter Jeffery has no problems with nakedness in early Christian baptism (read pps 65-67 and 110-116 of his book) what he disbelieves for the Ante-Nicene church is the use of sindons, white sheets etc.
ReplyDeleteDoes this passage from Stromateis Book 6 chapter 13 Since, according to my opinion, the grades here in the Church, of bishops, presbyters, deacons, are imitations of the angelic glory, and of that economy which, the Scriptures say, awaits those who, following the footsteps of the apostles, have lived in perfection of righteousness according to the Gospel. For these taken up in the clouds, the apostle writes, will first minister [as deacons], then be classed in the presbyterate, by promotion in glory (for glory differs from glory) till they grow into "a perfect man." imply that Clement only recognised Bishops Presbyters/Priests and Deacons, without minor orders such as subdeacons ? I am not sure but I tend to think so.
However, Secret Mark of course says nothing about white cloths of any sort. If Smith or Dix or Shepherd talk about white robes, they might be using an anachronism, but it's not one that Clement or Secret Mark uses. Furthermore, we do have evidence from the Acts of Thomas, as Jeffery admits, of the use of the sindon in a baptismal ritual. Jeffery wants to confine this to women's baptismal rites. I don't see any reason for this, but I'm waiting for a copy of the Cabie work to arrive (there seem to be only two copies in N. America, so I don't know how long this will take) and we'll see what he says about Syrian practices. Jeffery also tries to dismiss use of the sindon in Acts of Thomas by saying it was "more functional than symbolic (p. 112) but why? Did people usually go about wearing sindons? Nor do I even see why a sindon need have been actually used in any Alexandrine ritual at all: it's only present in the text (of Secret Mark). Who knows what the actual practice was for initiates?
ReplyDeleteAlso, no one (maybe not even Smith) links the sindon itself with the garments the initiate puts on after baptism. Nor do we need to, based solely on Secret Mark. What about Secret Mark suggests such a practice?
I'll concede though that Jeffery probably agrees early Christians disrobed for baptism.
As for Clement's comments, I'll agree that he at least thought only the major orders described the pefected--those who "have lived in perfection of righteousness" and who have grown into "'a perfect man'". Whether he knew of any minor orders or not is unclear. Though I'd be surprised if they were ritualized in Rome by Hippolytus without being known at all in Alexandria.
However, your question has triggered another chain of thought, so there will be another post on the subject soon :)
I also think that minor orders in Clement's church may well have been for those "being perfected"--not for those who have arrived at perfection (deacons, etc.) The history of the office of subdeacon, for example, seems obviously derived from the office of deacon--yet we know by Clement's time they were both in place, so the development must have a history prior to that.
ReplyDelete(IMO Christian orders, both major and minor, relate by Clement's time to Christian competition with the various offices of Mithraism, but this is sheer conjecture.)
(And when I say "by Clement's time" I mean that we have evidence of its presence in Rome, via Hippolytus.)
ReplyDeleteI forgot to add that I think the strongest criticisms leveled against To Theodore (including your own 1995 work) are those which cast doubt on Clement's authorship, rather than on Smith's honesty.
ReplyDeletethe_cave said Furthermore, we do have evidence from the Acts of Thomas, as Jeffery admits, of the use of the sindon in a baptismal ritual. Jeffery wants to confine this to women's baptismal rites. I don't see any reason for this, ... Jeffery also tries to dismiss use of the sindon in Acts of Thomas by saying it was "more functional than symbolic (p. 112) but why? Did people usually go about wearing sindons?
ReplyDeleteWe know that the prudishness/modesty of early Christians (particularly in Syria) made them uneasy with male baptizers baptizing nude women. Various modifications were made to baptismal practice as a consequence; eg the development of an important role for women deacons/deaconesses in the baptism of women so as to reduce physical contact between the male baptizers and the women being baptized. See the (Syrian) Didascalia.
What Jeffery seems to be suggesting is that the sindon in Acts of Thomas is related to these concerns; ie it is functional in that it avoids the possible impropriety of Thomas baptizing a naked woman.
Hi Cave,
ReplyDeleteI don't know why there is such a 'mystery' with regards to what the original date of the baptism of the catechumen was in CHRISTIANITY. The apostle makes clear that it was on the seventh day of Passover (or, in the Samaritan terminology the seventh day of the Festival of Unleavened Bread). Origen refers to a contemporary Christian celebration of the Festival of Unleavened Bread with the most obvious interpretation that he was speaking about early third century Alexandria. Epiphanius, Aphraates and other authors identify similar practices among Semitic Christians.
Why there is any 'mystery' what To Theodore is referencing is beyond me other than the fact that it lays bare - i.e. removes the sindon (pardon the forced metaphor) - that our European tradition is a reaction against an earlier form of Christianity based in Alexandria and elsewhere which was much closer to Jewish and Samaritan practice.
My approach solves the mystery also of the so-called Quartodecimian heresy. It was necessary for those sects which followed the Apostle's teaching - i.e. the Marcionites - to continue to calculate using the lunar cycle of the Jews. The Liber Pontificalis for instance says that Pope Victor modified Alexandrian practice by having Easter fall on the Sunday after the fourteenth - thus SEEMING to venerate the 'ogdoad' (notice Irenaeus' lost treatise of the same name) even though the original ogdoad was the 22nd of Nisan the eighth day of Passover (as Jews traditionally added a day to Passover for communities outside the Holy Land.
My approach also explains why Irenaeus identifies a community 'of Mark' (the Marcosians) who venerate their baptism as a 'redemption' rite (the traditional term associated with the seventh day of Passover/Unleavened Bread and why this rite is connected with Mark chapter 10 (the exact place where LGM 1 is).
The reason NT scholars didn't know what to make of To Theodore's reference to a baptism rite spread out over seven days (1 + 6) is because they are ignorant of the Judaism and Samaritan identification of Paul's reference to the 'baptism in the cloud and sea' with the hebdomad of Passover (the ogdoad outside of Israel).
ReplyDeleteIndeed I am having one of the last Samaritans in Israel stay with me this weekend. He will be available for all those who are ignorant of Samaritan culture to demonstrate that they too had a 'Mark' who established the liturgy of their tradition in the late first/early second century (Marqe) who happens to have identified the 'seventh of the Festival of the Unleavened Bread' with a baptism which purified AND GLORIFIED the ancient Israelites OWING TO THE PRESENCE of the kavod (glory or column of fire) in the water with them.
Jesus is repeatedly identified as the 'glory Lord' in the same apostolic writings which connect Christian baptism with the last day of Passover/Unleavened Bread.
If NT scholars weren't so ignorant of traditions outside of their fraudulent European system (no earlier than Irenaeus) they would have recognized that Mark's secret Gospel AND the Letter to Theodore are authentic. I think even the idea of a carnal gospel of Rome in Rome and a 'spiritual' gospel in Alexandria is rationale which Clement developed from the Alexandrian liturgy.
It's so embarrassing. Just get the current lot of scholars out of the way, hope for the continued decline of Western civilization and the rest of the world might be able to find some historical truth in Christianity. Otherwise the existing scholarship will only keep us in the fables of their ancestors ...
Smith was too ignorant of traditional Jewish and Samaritan practices to recognize what the text said. His critics are even less informed but at least have the benefit of malice to assist in their productivity. All we need is to make it a requirement that NT scholars ACTUALLY learn about Jewish and Samaritan traditions and in twenty years we won't have idiots acting as arbiters of truthfulness.
Benny Tsedaka will be available for answering questions about HIS Markan tradition Monday December 14. He will give anyone that wants it, a crash course on Marqe's interpretation of the last day of Passover as a 'baptism in the cloud and the sea.' He will also ATTEMPT to explain away why verbatim gospel references (John MacDonald 1963) appear in the writings of this 'Mark' also. (He told me that in previous generations Samaritans urinated on their hand to purify it from contact with Christians). He certainly DOES NOT want to link Marqe with Mark but there is an uncanny parallel at least between central points of Pauline theology and his writings.
Thanks
Hi Stephan--
ReplyDeleteThanks for visiting. Interesting speculations. I tend to be sceptical, but you make some intriguing connections both with Marcosians and "Marqe". Still, I tend to think the whole debate about what the "six days" in SecMk means is a red herring. I have no idea why it's there. (Nor do I think it necessarily had anything to do with baptism.) But maybe you can make something out of it.