Wednesday, January 20, 2010

Egyptian Lectionaries, Pt. 2: Spirit Baptism and the Raising of Lazarus

[1/23: edited again]


First, an aside: regarding the relationship between Secret Mark and Lenten baptismal traditions in Egypt, Jeffery first notes that Secret Mark doesn't mention any water. I've argued elsewhere that we don't really know that--I think Clement isn't necessarily quoting Secret Mark in full here, but rather may only be discussing what Theodore presented to him. I don't think Clement has Secret Mark in front of him. However, I'm willing to pass over this for now.


Anyway, we are continuing our discussion of Thomas Talley's proposal that readings from the canonical gospels in early Egyptian lectionaries were used to replace readings from Secret Mark in earlier (now lost) versions of those lectionaries. Peter Jeffery has, however, noted (Jeffery, p. 78) that certain Egyptian lectionaries use Jn 3 for baptismally-related days in Lent. Peter Jeffery thinks that if Talley is right, then Jn 3 must have replaced the use of a Markan reading (whether from GMk or Secret Mark) on those days. However, because Jn 3 is not thematically related to anything in GMk or Secret Mark, the use of Jn 3 in the Byzantine-era lectionaries we have indicates it was not in fact used to replace a Markan reading in any earlier (lost) versions of those lectionaries, defeating Talley's argument (or Jeffery's extended version of that argument, at any rate.)

However, I disagree. Arguments similar to those in my last post can be made to explain the use of Jn 3 (the dialogue with Nicodemus) on the sixth Friday/Saturday/Sunday in early Egyptian lectionaries (The Secret Gospel of Mark Unveiled, p. 83-5), in place of a Markan reading--like, for example, Secret Mark 1.




First, I noticed, before I read Jeffery, that the dialogue with Nicodemus thematically echoes the Secret Mark passage in To Theodore: both involve a nighttime discussion about rebirth. So, I was pleased to learn about Talley's proposal (that GJn readings were subsituted for Secret Mark readings Egyptian lectionaries). So, there is a relationship between Jn 3 and Secret Mark 1, at the broadly thematic level.

In addition, both passages (Secret Mark 1 and Jn 3) end with the departure of Jesus for another land.


Now notice that in Jn 3, the discussion is not actually about water baptism, but spirit baptism! So perhaps it is no surprise that Secret Mark doesn't mention water; the "greater mysteries" that Clement spoke of may have had to do with this spirit baptism, hence no water-symbolism would have been necessary.

(Notice also that in the 5th c. Egyptian lectionary--mentioned on p. 84 of Jeffery's book--the alternative reading is Jn 6:47, the Bread of Life passage, IMO strongly suggesting that the "greater mysteries" were also about the eucharist, as I have already hinted at in comments below).

So, considering the thematic parallels, and assuming a liturgical need to discuss spirit baptism, Jn 3 might have seemed like the best appropriate passage to substitute for a Secret Mark reading, once Secret Mark was determined to be dangerously apocryphal by the post-Nicean church.


Now, we find the Lazarus story (Jn 11, the most direct Johannine parallel to Secret Mark 1) used on "Zion Sunday" (equivalent to Palm Sunday in the west) in a fragmentary 10th c. Egyptian lectionary (Jeffery, p. 85). However, Jeffery argues this is evidence against the use of Secret Mark for baptisms, because it's the Sunday before Zion/Palm Sunday that gets called the "Sunday of Baptizing", in both the 10th c. lectionary and another 9th c. Egyptian lectionary, and both those lectionaries use Jn 3 for that day, instead of Jn 11. If Secret Mark was originally used in baptisms, Jeffery insists, it should have been used for the Sunday of Baptizing. But the proper parallel with Secret Mark 1 (Jn 11) is not found in the later lectionaries; instead, Jn 3 is found, instead of Jn 11, as we might expect. Indicating to Jeffery that a Secret Mark reading was never there, because if it had been, it should have been replaced with Jn 11.


But I disagree that Secret Mark must have been used for water baptisms. I also disagree that Jesus' meeting with the man must have symbolized instruction prior to baptism. Instead, in Secret Mark, the man is instructed after he is raised--so the symbolism seems to represent instruction after (water) baptism!

So, we find the Lazarus reading (Jn 11) on Zion/Palm Sunday in the 10th c. manuscript, the week after the Sunday of Baptizing--just where we ought to, if it were replacing an older passage from Secret Mark. We also find Jn 11 on the sixth Friday--just before Zion/Palm Sunday--in the East Syrian rite, as Jeffery mentions (Jeffery, p. 84). Jeffery dismisses this, since it is a different tradition, but based on the above argument, I am not sure it's that simple.

The 9th c. manuscript doesn't include Jn 11 at all, but Eventually, in the medieval Egyptian church, Jn 11 was read on the Saturday just before Zion/Palm Sunday. This is probably just related to the tradition we just mentioned of reading it on Zion/Palm Sunday, reflected in the 10th c. manuscript. So we're just seeing different traditions picking out one of the two Sundays, and then picking either Jn 3 or Jn 11, and leaving out the other.

In fact, Jn 11 was used in some Latin lectionaries for their fifth Sunday, i.e. the Sunday before Palm Sunday, inj the western tradition...and, not surprisingly, they leave Jn 3 out of their Sunday readings altogether.

So, I would argue that they just picked Jn 11 instead of Jn 3 to replace Secret Mark 1. And in Rome, Jn 11 was used on the Friday before that fifth Sunday, coming near to the other Latin usages. And Rome didn't use Jn 3 during Lenten Sundays, either

So the choice between Jn 3 and Jn 11 to replace the original Secret Mark readings was, I propose, somewhat arbitrary. Some churches chose one, some chose the other; some centered it around Zion/Palm Sunday, some centered it around the Sunday before. And at least one Egyptian church used both.

It seems to me these multiple traditions are all related--they all focus on the two passages of John most closely linked thematically with Secret Mark, and they all work within the confines of the week falling between Palm/Zion Sunday and the Sunday before. To me (following Jeffery's extension of Talley's thesis) this looks like local churches using John to "orthodoxise" their lectionaries, making different but nevertheless related decisions about their initiation rites, and their cycles of readings. These decisions were made at an early date, and subsequent liturgists followed their example, forgetting why the decisions were made in the first place.

We don't need a direct influence from Alexandria (as Jeffery suggests) to explain this--no doubt the churches' areas of influence overlapped one another. Influences may have been relatively local, but sometimes "telegraphed" directly from one patriarchal center to another.


And so the fact that, as Jeffery claims, these lectionaries "favored John, not Mark" in constructing their readings cycles, especially with respect to the week preceding Palm/Zion Sunday, is consistent with the Secret Mark hypothesis. This is because, as I propose, Secret Mark was a source for the gospel of John, so they are naturally related with one another. GJn and GMk are textual cousins, so we shouldn't be surprised if readings from one were used to replace readings from the other.


Whew!


Next we'll try to tackle a somewhat mysterious subject in the early church: the baptism of the dead.

12 comments:

  1. I'm not sure exactly what you are suggesting.

    Are you proposing that there was a very early and widespread tradition of the appropriate lections for the 40-day fast (Lent) of which later lectionaries are heavily modified descendents ?

    If so I have serious reservations, quite apart from the possible use of "Secret Mark" in such a primitive lectionary.

    But maybe I am misunderstanding you.

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  2. I am merely following the suggestion Jeffery himself makes on p. 80 of his book:

    "Is it possible that the original practice was to read the Secret Gospel, but that its pericopes were later replaced by "canonical parallels," as Talley thought the young man story was replaced by the Lazarus story?"

    See, for example, p. 234 of Talley:

    "From Constantinople to Antioch that fast preceded the old Alexandrian Marcan cursus, transposed from its time following the Epiphany. This has been maintained to our own day, the noncanonical "secret Gospel of Mark" at the climax of the Markan cursus replaced with its only canonical parallel, John 11.1-45. Nothing tells us the time of that substitution and one would suppose that it was made rather early in the process of the canonization of the New Testament. Nonetheless, medieval Coptic writers remember the old baptismal day in the sixth week of the fast as they day on which Jesus baptized, and Byzantine typicka of the same period present the Saturday of Lazarus as a major baptismal day, even though its new place in the year puts it but one week before the paschal vigil."

    If one substitution was made, why not more?

    However, if Talley is making the claim that this early usage of Secret Mark was "widespread" I would disagree with that. I am not certain, however, that he is.

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  3. And, if this idea (of an earlier Secret Mark-based lectionary) is all just a misinterpretation of Talley's thesis, it is a mistake Jeffery himself makes, and spends an entire chapter trying to refute. So if it is an unworkable hypothesis, it is no strike against Talley, or anyone else suggesting that Secret Mark might have been used during a pre-Easter season in a baptismal context. I am simply trying to show that Jeffery's somewhat more inflated thesis is still plausible, as plausible as Talley's more modest thesis is.

    So, Jeffery's refutation of his own thesis is not really a strike against Talley's thesis at all. I'm just trying to also show that even Jeffery's more ambitious interpretation of Talley is plausible! Thus Jeffery makes little headway against Talley's thesis, whether real or imagined, in ch. 4 of his book.

    I may need to add some notes to my posts to make this more clear.

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  4. Thank you for your reply.

    Talley is not IIUC suggesting that this early lectionary usage of Secret Mark was "widespread". Talley is arguing that an early Egyptian lectionary usage of "Secret Mark" has subsequently (in modified form) influenced other liturgical traditions, and hence that these traditions can be used to help reconstruct the early Egyptian lectionary.

    In arguing against this Jeffery emphasises that we have no good reason to believe that the lectionary readings found in these non-Egyptian traditions have been borrowed from Egypt.

    Your original post seemed to be saying that the very widespread nature of certain features of these non-Egyptian traditions makes them relevant, even if they are not borrowings from Egyptian practice.

    Your reply to my comments indicates that I was misunderstanding you, for which I apologize, but I am still unsure of what you are suggesting.

    Maybe it would help to clarify things if I put forward what are IMO the two most problematic parts of Talley's arguments and asked you whether you agree with Talley and if so on what evidence.

    Claim a/ The Ante-Nicene Egyptian church kept a 40 day fast as part of their ritual year.
    Claim b/ The lections for this fast drew heavily on Mark, (whether "Secret Mark" or canonical Mark).

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  5. The Cave

    I hate to say it but I think you are barking up the wrong tree. Talley was misguided with his approach. Origen never references a forty day fast before Easter. In fact he seems to allude to a Christian Feast of Unleavened Bread on more than one occasion.

    http://books.google.com/books?id=z9tepT3hbl4C&pg=PA222&dq=origen+unleavened+bread+EPIPHANIUS&lr=&ei=J8tdS56BFKCOlQSL3PDaBg&cd=3#v=onepage&q=origen%20unleavened%20bread%20EPIPHANIUS&f=false

    This is the solution to the liturgical context of Secret Mark - an Alexandrian practice of baptizing initiates at the very moment the ancient Israelites were understood to 'cross the Sea.

    The idea is at the heart of our existing celebrations but Exodus 14 and 15 are now read at a time that ancient Christians would have known don't make any sense - i.e. Easter Sunday.

    The Easter Sunday became the Roman ogdoad. Victor got the Alexandrian bishop to agree to abandon his tradition celebration of the seven day Feast of Unleavened Bread (cf Liber Pontificalis).

    People like Jeffrey base all their arguments on the infallibility of the existing tradition. Just read his bio.

    This is stupid. The existing tradition was altered from something close to traditional Hebrew liturgical usage to something absurd (why read the Song of the Sea on the wrong day).

    The Alexandrian and eastern churches knew what the right day was - when the seventh day 'went out' to the eighth day. This is when the Samaritans have always venerated the moment. It is the context of 1 Cor chapter 10.

    The Samaritans also remember the crossing of the sea EVERY 'going out' of the seventh to the eighth day. So at the end of every Sabbath they sing a prayer commemorating the crossing.

    You will never find a greater authority on the traditions of the Fathers than Andrew Criddle. But this is beyond the scope of his knowledge. The Samaritans are ignored because - well - no one is really interested in the origin of the heresies. Even though 'Simon Magus' is said to have been one, those claiming that expertise don't bother to familiarize themselves with the northern Israelite tradition.

    Samaritan sectarians like the Dositheans stood in water praying when the seventh day 'went out' to the eighth - motsa'e shabbat 'the goings of the Sabbath' (plural construct suffix). I take this to be the beginning of Christian baptism.

    Look at how LGM 1 works over eight days. Jesus discovering the youth immediately after walking on the road to Jerusalem (day one). Then six days. Then notice the use of ὀψία - literally means 'at the end of the day.' In other words, the youth comes to Jesus naked with a linen cloth at the end of the seventh day. Guess when he is baptized.

    I have sent Jeffrey a CD of the Samaritan liturgy but he won't be interested. The problem is that people don't know what to do when we go beyond the existing 'truths' of the orthodox tradition.

    The Alexandrians clearly connected baptism with the ogdoad. Look at Ex. Theodoto, the Testimony of Truth, Irenaeus On the Ogdoad (the arguments are still reflected in his Proof of the Apostolic Preachings).

    We have to learn to think out of the box to see how important Secret Mark is. It doesn't fit our existing traditions.

    It also happens to demonstrate the Samaritan origins of early Christianity.

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  6. Hi Andrew--

    a) I'm not certain about an exact 40-day fast for an ante-Nicene pre-Easter season. Based on what little I know, I think it's at least plausible that there was some sort of extended Lenten period that grew in popularity, maybe during the third century. But I think it doesn't really matter when this tradition began; what's interesting is the structure of Lent that Talley describes, and its relationship with GMk (and, by implication, Secret Mark).

    b) Again, I'm unsure, but it's plausible. It wouldn't surprise me if the Constantinople lectionary were based on an old Alexandrian one. The GMk-GJn tradition preserved at Constantinople does seem to relate to an Alexandrian tradition, even if centuries later. This lectionary tradition had to start somewhere, and it was probably ante-Nicene. I can't say it was as early as Clement, but it doesn't have to be (and in fact it probably wasn't quite that early).

    Those are my best guesses, anyway.

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  7. Hi Stephan--


    Very interesting! I think the origins of a pre-Easter baptismal tradition could be indeed be complicated. I don't really know what they are--I suppose they could be Samaritan in some way, sure. At some point, however, they were assimilated to proto-orthodoxy, of course.

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  8. Hi the cave:

    In my opinion the problem with the study of early Christianity is that we begin with this need for certainty. There are these inherited texts and practices over here, these manuscripts and fragmentary manuscripts over there, reports from the Church Fathers etc and everything thinks it's their duty to 'reconcile' the inherited paradigm with things we can be certain about.

    My approach is different and entirely theoretical but - I believe - a better way of doing things.

    We know there were Biblical traditions before this thing called Christianity emerged. Christianity wasn't created ex nihilo. It developed from some as of yet unknown messianic 'Old Testament' tradition.

    The point is that the Apostle says "all were baptized into Moses in the cloud and in the sea" we can't approach this in the way the Protestants want us to read the material.

    We are not just talking about readings developed independently of a liturgy (I personally avoid using the term 'liturgy' because it has a number of misleading implications; I prefer seder or siddur) but clearly Paul and the first Christians WERE APPLYING a liturgical use of Exodus 14 and 15 that they already knew.

    Now all the old church traditions have to read Exodus 14 and 15 as part of the reading for Easter Sunday. This is clearly in conflict with the Jewish and Samaritan 'liturgies.'

    The day the Israelites crossed the Sea was not Easter Sunday. So how do we explain that?

    If your a Christian tradition and you want to believe that your inherited beliefs are immaculate you essentially have to put forward an argument that 'God changed his mind' when he sent telepathic messages to the apostles. But that's illogical given what we know of 1 Corinthians - there's clearly some reference to the festival of Unleavened Bread THERE and in the oldest churches of Near East.

    So how do you explain why the fourth century Christian churches read Exodus 14 and 15 on the wrong day? It doesn't matter ultimately. What counts is that we acknowledge that the proper day would have to be that the RIGHT answer, the RIGHT belief was to assign the ritual on the day various sources tell us the Alexandrian and other Near Eastern traditions had it - i.e. as the seventh day went out into the eighth.

    Too many people mistake what is simple and 'neat' for what is true.

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  9. And with regards to the question of whether Christian applied 1 Cor chapter 10 in a 'Jewish' or Samaritan way read the Anonymous Treatise on Baptism. For the text as a whole clearly 'corrects' the heretical beliefs of 'those of Mark' (or Marcus) mentioned in Irenaeus AH i.13 - 21). Irenaeus mentions a baptism ritual called 'redemption' (the term Jews and Samaritans use for the Exodus) somehow associated with Mark chapter 10. The author of the anonymous treatise makes clear that these 'Markan heretics' wrongly associate their baptism with the baptism of Moses as we read:

    To such, then, as approach to a discussion of saving and modern, that is, of spiritual and evangelical baptism, there occurs first of all the announcement universally well known, made and begun by John the Baptist, who, somewhat departing from the law, that is, from the most ancient baptism of Moses, and preparing the way of the new and true grace, both preoccupied the ears of the Jews gradually by the baptism of water and of repentance which for the time he practised, and took possession of them with the announcement of a spiritual baptism that was to come, exhorting them, and saying, He that comes after me is mightier than I, whose shoe's latchet I am not worthy to unloose: He shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost, and with fire; Matthew 3:11 and for this reason we also ought to make a beginning of this discourse from this point. [Anonymous Treatise 3]

    The author is not 'reporting the truth' as much as he is 'correcting' an older version of it which developed from the Jews and Samaritans in Egypt

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  10. Oh and then by the way I have also theorized about the Letter to the Corinthians being the epistle which the Muratorian canon identifies as being 'to the Alexandrians' (we know from other sources that 'to the Laodiceans' was the anonymous epistle (or to the Ephesians) in our canon.

    The point is that the Apostle's discussion of the application of liturgical elements from the Festival of Unleavened Bread IN A TEXT identified by some as 'to the Alexandrians' is pregnant with possibilities. Anyway here is the link:

    http://stephanhuller.blogspot.com/2010/01/development-of-my-theory-that-to.html

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  11. Hi Stephan--thank you again for your always-interesting posts.

    I don't think it's too hard to reconcile these accounts. I've shown the relationship between Clement's account and Irenaeus' in Against Heresies. The Hippolytus passage accuses the Carpocratians of "slandering...the divine name of the Church." It agrees that the Carpocratians preach the transmigration of the soul--just as Clement and Irenaeus claim. These souls transmigrate in order to "fill up all their sins"--just as Irenaeus himself claims. (Buddhist souls transmigrate not in order to fill up their sins, but to empty them!)

    The confusion may arise when Hippolytus says they are freed from their bodies when "not one [of these sins] is left"--but this does not refer to the purging of sins, but rather to the accumulation of sins. We know this because of the souls he then mentions: "If, however, some [souls], during the presence of the soul in the body for one life, may by anticipation become involved in the full measure of transgressions, they, [accirding to these heretics,] no longer undergo metempsychosis. [Souls of this sort,]
    however, on paying off at one all trespasses, will, [the Carpocratians say,] be emancipated from dwelling any more in a body."

    The teaching here is that souls who "become involved in the full measure of transgressions" become freed from their bodies immediately. So it is the accumulation of sin which liberates them. That is precisely what Irenaeus himself says about the Carpocratians--and quite the opposite of Buddhist teaching.

    Now, having said all that, I think you're right to say we should look at Christian portrayal of the Carpocratians with a skeptical eye. If
    Christians could be slandered by their contemporaries, surely heretics in turn could be slandered by Christians. I'm guessing that the label "Carpocratian" might have been applied somewhat indiscriminately, sometimes meaning one thing, sometimes meaning another.

    I'd also agree that Morton Smith's personality and his personal life have been used against him, as "evidence" that his intellectual work is somehow suspect.

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  12. Some very good ideas. Always enjoy reading your blog. Keep up the great work.

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